W&M ScholarWorks Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects Fall 2016 Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict / The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense: 1794-1812 Samuel Aldred Slattery College of William and Mary, saslattery@email.edu Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarworks.edu/etd Part of the History Commons Recommended Citation Slattery, Samuel Aldred, "Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo- American Conflict / The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense: 1794-1812" (2016). Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects.21220/S26C7C This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Theses, Dissertations, & Master Projects at W&M ScholarWorks. It has been accepted for inclusion in Dissertations, Theses, and Masters Projects by an authorized administrator of W&M ScholarWorks. For more information, please contact scholarworks@wm.
Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict / The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense: 1794-1812 Samuel A. Slattery Oak Park, Illinois Bachelor of Arts, Bates College, 2014 A Thesis presented to the Graduate Faculty of the College of William & Mary in Candidacy for the Degree of Master of Arts Lyon G. Tyler Department of History College of William and Mary August 2016 © Copyright by Samuel A. Slattery 2016 ii ABSTRACT Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict This paper argues that the process by which the English Crown’s initially modest attempts to tweak New England colonial governance dovetailed into a reactionary denial of all colonial liberties.
The imposition of autocratic imperial rule and armed occupation of New England reflects the fundamental bankruptcy of the “imperial constitution,” namely, the incompatibility of the right of colonists to representative assemblies and the imperial authority of the English state. Because on a constitutional level the two were incompatible, a protracted conflict between colonists and metropolitans had a strong likelihood of ending in logical extremes neither party expected or wanted: the abolition of colonial self- government by the English state and a revolutionary attack on the authority of the English state by colonists. As long as colonists and metropolitans failed to reconcile colonial rights with metropolitan sovereignty, they papered over a zero sum game. This paper is preliminary and based upon an initial reading of sources; additional research of contemporary scholarship in particular would improve it.
ABSTRACT The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense: 1794-1812 This paper argues that American seaport towns played an outsized and determinative role in the fortification of their harbors in the immediate post- revolutionary period. While historians have examined the individual and collective efforts of military engineers during this period, they have neglected the importance of the labor, financial and political resources of cities in realizing seacoast defense. I found strong connections between urban politics and urban seacoast fortifications at every level from grassroots community organizations to the halls of Congress. To complete this project and properly qualify its conclusions, however, a comprehensive analysis of legislative dynamics and seaport populations would be necessary.
This paper might serve as the nucleus of future research on the relationship between American communities and fortifications. iii TABLE OF CONTENTS Acknowledgements. ii Intellectual Biography.1 Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict Introduction: The Forgotten Viceroyalty .5 Chapter I: From “Commonwealth” to “His Majesty’s Colony” .13 Chapter II: Failure .20 Chapter III: King James’s “Real Empire in America” .28 Conclusion: The Rights of Englishmen and the Supremacy of English Legislation .36 The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense: 1794-1812 I. Wealthy Cities, Deadly Seas.
Representation, Lobbying and Legislative Action. Appendix: Fortress Form and Function .90 i ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Professors Paul Mapp, Guillaume Aubert and Christopher Grasso for their assistance, guidance and support. ii INTELLECTUAL BIOGRAPHY Fortifications, Communities and Politics My primary research interest is the intersection between community, military and political history, in particular around the fortifications of early North American colonists. One of my chief interests is the relationship between different tiers of government in relation to problems of defense and security.
I believe that such a study challenges many accounts in which local participation is underplayed and high-level central involvement is exaggerated. In my undergraduate thesis, “The Politics of the Gate: Byzantine City Walls and the Urban Negotiation of Imperial Authority,” I looked at Byzantine towns and their fortifications, and how the role populaces played as defenders of those fortifications and ultimately as decision- makers on decisions over whether to resist or surrender, and how this popular power affected their political and military relationship with the Emperor in Constantinople. My general belief is that in many areas fortifications (whether they defend a great metropolis or a small cabin) have a much stronger relationship with the people who actually defend them and are defended by them than is commonly acknowledged by historians. I believe the rich interactions around military architecture can be deeply revealing about the basic structure and culture of a given society.
I also believe, in the early modern and premodern context at the very least, in the importance of recognizing that important settlements were almost universally fortified strongholds in every settled society on earth. 1 I am interested in how the division of fortified strongholds impacted societies. Such ramifications can be political and economic, but also can involve religion, culture and gender. I am particularly interested in exploring this last facet: in much of the ancient world, fortifications were explicitly identified as feminine, separating a domestic space of nurture from a masculine exterior defined by conflict and danger just as the walls of the house have defined domesticity in some cultures.
Cultural and religious links between women and fortifications have long been connected to the material reality that in numerous societies (and certainly in colonial North America for the English, French, Spanish and Indigenous peoples) landscapes were punctuated by fortified places in which women, along with the young and the old of both genders, would typically remain while male warriors conducted offensive and defensive warfare, not to mention long-distance trade, diplomacy and exploration. While military scholarship has long been interested in the conduct of male warriors and concern themselves with fortified places only when men besiege or defend them, I am interested in how the reality of fortification was experienced not only by male warriors but by women and other noncombatants, who dealt with loneliness of waiting for absent men, the frenzy of collective defense, the weary privations of siege and the social catastrophe of the sack. Some scholars have begun to productively explore such relationships, particularly in ancient and medieval contexts, but such issues are very applicable to the various borderlands of colonial North America and greater research is needed to define how the people of different societies experienced these pressures at different times. Forts 2 were certainly used for purposes besides civilian protection in early America, such as advance bases for military garrisons.
However, I believe scholars of both European colonists and Indigenous nations who take close looks at community history would benefit from enfolding defensive considerations into their historical portraits. In my two research papers so far, I examined two areas of my general interest. In my first paper, “Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict,” I looked at late seventeenth century New England and the relationship between colonial assemblies and the English crown with an eye to how different tiers of government interacted with each other in the colonial era. In my second paper, “The Right to Fortifications: American Communities and the Politics of Harbor Defense, 1794-1812,” I looked more directly at the relationship between communities and defense, in this case United States seaports and harbor artillery fortifications in the immediate post- revolutionary republic.
In this paper I pursued my interest in relationships between local and higher government, looking at how seaport communities agitated for fortifications on different political levels, from the federal to the local, while also looking at direct popular participation in building them. This paper sketched political relationships between communities and the construction of military architecture but did not examine its actual use in wartime. I am interested in focusing my research on a particularly pervasive but understudied phenomenon, the proliferation of simple timber fortifications in the North American borderlands, which applied to both English and Indigenous 3 people and less to other European powers: both Spain and France supplied their colonies with professional engineers and built massive masonry fortifications to protect their North American colonies rather than relying on local, unprofessional initiative. In the future United States, timber garrisons, stockades and forts defined the frontier from the first east coast foothold to the final Euroamerican conquest of the continent.
The scope of the task and the often localized and impermanent nature of the evidence make a general study impossible, but I am very interested in conducting some regional study after better familiarizing myself with the relevant scholarship. Such a study would be useful, I hope, to our knowledge of decentralized politics, gender, frontier warfare and community in early North America. In contemporary times, such a focus is relevant to studies of housing, class, crime and security, with an eye towards real and imagined dangers to various groups and the street grids, policing, border walls, gated communities and other measures taken to secure against them. My interest in American security, community and politics directly intersects with the history of policing, the second amendment and modern housing segregation.
Understanding the old world of fortifications, community militias and night watches can illuminate such contemporary concerns, which I would also liked to study if I had the opportunity. 4 Subjects or Rebels: The Dominion of New England and the Roots of Anglo-American Conflict Introduction: The Forgotten Viceroyalty The late seventeenth century reign of Dominion of New England is an undeservedly forgotten episode in American colonial and English imperial history. It has virtually no presence in American popular culture, historical reenactments or even high school history textbooks, which in their portraits of New England tend to focus heavily on the Puritan commonwealth before and the birth of revolution and independence after. One might expect this period to hold greater public interest as the first great revolutionary clash between the supremacy of the English empire and the rights of English colonists.
In the 1680s, the English Crown dissolved the colonies of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, Plymouth, Connecticut, New York, West Jersey, East Jersey and Delaware and absorbed them into one super-colony christened the Dominion of New England.1 The Crown also dissolved the previous colonial governments, which had been mostly dominated by elected assemblies and placed all legislative, executive and judicial powers in the hands of a single dictatorial governor, who was to rule from Boston as viceroy of the Dominion on behalf of the king. The seventeenth century progress of representative government in English America so important to the revolutionary history of eighteenth century Europe and America was entirely (if temporarily) overturned. 1 Viola Florence Barnes, The Dominion of New England, a Study in British Colonial Policy, (New York: F. 5 Such a dramatic, autocratic change probably dismays a modern reader and indeed, the Dominion of New England alarmed many people in the seventeenth century as well.
In 1684, the abolition of colonial assemblies was openly debated in the English Privy Council before King Charles II. In this session, the defenders of American assemblies, formerly dominant in royal councils, were of a decided minority, and those advocating their abolition, recently ascendant in royal favor, an overwhelming majority. In this council, the Marquess of Halifax—long the most sincere and outspoken friend of colonial liberties in the English government—risked royal displeasure to offer a passionate defense of assemblies.