An Examination of the College Choice of Students of Color in the Deep South by Jordan Landon Holladay A dissertation submitted to the Graduate Faculty of Auburn University in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the Degree of Doctor of Philosophy Auburn, Alabama August 3, 2019 Keywords: college choice, students of color, standpoint theory Copyright 2019 by Jordan Landon Holladay Approved by Dr. Laura Parson, Chair, Assistant Professor Dr. Carey Andrzejewski, Associate Professor Dr. Brigitta Brunner, Professor Dr.
James Groccia, Professor Emeritus Dr. David Shannon, Hermana-Germany-Sherman Distinguished Professor Abstract There is existing literature on college choice factors, as well as college choice factors specifically for students of color. However, limited literature exists on the college choice of students of color in the Deep South, an area historically plagued by racial tension and presently seeing an increase in racial diversity (Bankston, 2007; Adelman & Tsao, 2016). Framed through standpoint theory (Harding, 1992) and existing models of college choice (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; Chapman, 1981; Hossler & Gallagher, 1987), this study sought to understand why students of color choose to attend colleges and universities in the Deep South through the standpoint of the student.
This study examined what factors affect the college choice of students of color attending institutions in the Deep South based on gender, race, and institution type (HBCU vs. PWI) by analyzing data from the 2014 version of The Freshman Survey. Descriptive statistics and multivariate analyses of data were conducted, and the results indicated that, in general, the academic reputation of an institution, the jobs graduates receive, and the college’s reputation for social activities were the top factors affecting the college choice of students of color choosing to attend institutions in the Deep South. Recognizing it is problematic to aid admissions professionals in recruiting students of color to institutions that may not be built to support them, this study provides admissions professionals with recommendations on how to recruit and retain students of color at their institutions.
ii Acknowledgments First and foremost, I must thank my wife, Hannah Holladay, for supporting me throughout the dissertation process. In many ways, we are sharing this degree, as she served as my proofreader, sounding board, and discussion partner for all of my coursework and dissertation writing. Secondly, I would like to say a special thank you to my major professor, Dr. Inheriting a doctoral student that was a year into the writing process, and that she had never taught or worked with, would be difficult for many professors.
However, she pressed forward, challenged me, forced me to think outside of my comfort zone, and ultimately helped me complete a dissertation that I did not know I was capable of writing. Third, I would like to thank the other members of my committee. To each of you that spent time reading, revising, and speaking to me about my work, I appreciate you. I learned it takes numerous individuals to make a dissertation happen, and it could not have happened without you.
Lastly, I would like to thank my institution, Auburn University, for providing an educational benefit for employees that allowed me to pursue a doctoral degree at virtually no cost. Graduating with a doctorate and owing zero dollars is a gift that cannot be repaid. iii Table of Contents Abstract. iii List of Tables.
viii List of Figures. ix List of Abbreviations. 1 Diversity and the Deep South. 4 Statement of the Problem.
6 Purpose of the Study. 7 Significance of the Study. 8 Limitations and Delimitations of the Study. 12 Organization of the Study.
13 CHAPTER II: LITERATURE REVIEW. 15 Students of Color and Higher Education. 15 iv Higher Education as a Racialized Institution. 21 Racism and Academia.
24 Racism and Higher Education Recruitment. 25 College Choice Models. 26 David Chapman’s Model of Student College Choice. 26 Hossler and Gallagher’s Three-Phase College Choice Model.
29 Cabrera and La Nasa’s College Choice Model. 31 College Choice Factors. 33 General College Choice Factors. 33 College Choice in the Deep South.
34 College Choice of African American Students. 36 Athletics and African American College Choice. 38 College Choice of Asian American Students. 39 College Choice of Latinx Students.
42 CHAPTER III: METHODS. 44 Purpose of Study. 49 Instrumentation and Data Collection Procedures. 51 v Data Analysis Techniques.
53 Research Question One (RQ1). 53 Statistical Analysis for RQ1. 53 Research Question One Part a (RQ1a). 54 Statistical Analysis for RQ1a.
54 Research Question One Part b (RQ1b). 54 Statistical Analysis for RQ1b. 54 Research Question Two (RQ2). 55 Statistical Analysis for RQ2.
56 CHAPTER IV: FINDINGS. 57 Research Question One (RQ1). 57 Analysis for RQ1. 58 Research Question One Part a (RQ1a).
61 Analysis for RQ1a. 61 Research Question One Part b (RQ1b). 65 Analysis for RQ1b. 65 Research Question Two (RQ2).
70 Analysis for RQ2. 70 CHAPTER V: CONCLUSIONS, RECOMMENDATIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS. 74 vi Research Questions. 75 Introduction to Findings.
75 Findings and Recommendations. 75 Research Question One (RQ1). 75 Findings and Recommendations for RQ1. 76 Research Question One Part a (RQ1a).
78 Findings and Recommendations for RQ1a. 78 Research Question One Part b (RQ1b). 79 Findings and Recommendations for RQ1b. 79 Research Question Two (RQ2).
81 Findings and Recommendations for RQ2. 81 Suggestions for Further Research. 86 Appendix A: The 2014 Freshman Survey. 87 Appendix B: List of Participating Institutions.
91 Appendix C: HERI Agreement. 93 Appendix D: IRB Approval. 95 vii List of Tables Table 1: Internal Consistency of College Choice Factors. 47 Table 2: College Choice Factors on Survey.
52 Table 3: Mauchly’s Test of Sphericity. 58 Table 4: Within Subjects Test using the Greenhouse-Geisser Correction. 58 Table 5: Mean Ratings for the College Choice Factors. 59 Table 6: Gender Test for Statistical Significance.
62 Table 7: College Choice Factors by Gender. 63 Table 8: Race Group Test for Statistical Significance. 65 Table 9: College Choice Factors by Race Group. 68 Table 10: Institution Type Test for Statistical Significance.
71 Table 11: College Choice Factors by Institution Type. 72 viii List of Figures Figure 1: Influences on Student College Choice. 27 Figure 2: A Three-Phase Model of College Choice. 30 ix List of Abbreviations HBCU Historically Black Colleges and Universities HERI Higher Education Research Institute MSI Minority-Serving Institutions PWI Predominantly-White Institutions TFS The Freshman Survey UCLA University of California, Los Angeles x CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION The Deep South is an area of the United States comprised of six states: Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, Mississippi, North Carolina, and South Carolina (Adelman & Tsao, 2016).
These states are historically known for the White aristocracy that owned Black slave plantations prior to the Civil War (Warner, 1941). In addition to historical examples of conflict between races, the Deep South represents an area of the United States that has seen an increase in racial diversity and immigration (Bankston, 2007; Adelman & Tsao, 2016). For higher education institutions, this diversity represents an opportunity and obligation to enroll a more diverse student body than what is already present at their institutions in order to continue serving the students that surround them geographically. Framed through standpoint theory (Harding, 1992) and existing models of college choice (Cabrera & La Nasa, 2001; Chapman, 1981; Hossler & Gallagher, 1987), this study sought to understand why students of color choose to attend colleges and universities in the Deep South from the perspective of the student.
This study embraced a holistic view of university recruitment. My definition of a holistic approach to recruitment extends beyond getting students of color to campus, and it encompasses retaining them and putting resources in place to help them be successful. Incorporating a holistic view informed the study’s aim to make recommendations to higher education institutions in the 1 Deep South not only about marketing their schools to students of color, but also about best practices for retaining those students. Diversity and the Deep South Nationally, enrollment rates at higher education institutions are projected to increase by 2025; however, some of the largest gains are projected for students of color.
Between 2014 to 2025, enrollment rates nationally are projected to increase by 22 percent for Black students, 32 percent for Hispanic students, 16 percent for Asian/Pacific Islander students, and 37 percent for students of two or more races; whereas, the enrollment rates for White students are only projected to increase by 3 percent (Hussar & Bailey, 2017). Previously flocking to larger cities such as New York, Los Angeles, Chicago, and heavily populated states such as Texas and Florida, Latin American and Asian immigrants are now inhabiting the Deep South (Adelman & Tsao, 2016). By 2025, the Southern region of the United States is projected to see an influx of high school graduates, accounting for one of the largest areas of growth in the country (Selingo, 2018). In 2000, the South was home to one-third of the nation’s high school graduates, but the region “will be responsible for nearly half at the peak of its growth in 2025” (Selingo, 2018).
For colleges and universities, an increase in high school graduates means an opportunity to engage and enroll more students. In order for institutions in the Deep South to prepare for and understand how to best serve the growing populations of students of color, it is important to look at the college choice process through their point of view. The Deep South is home to many of the nation’s historically Black colleges and universities (HBCUs); however, Deep South predominantly-White institutions (PWIs) also enroll large numbers of students of color even though they often serve as a symbol for the southern White resistance to desegregation (Muir & McGlamery, 1984). For example, in 1963, Alabama 2 Governor George C.
Wallace infamously “stood in the school-house door” in an attempt to block the enrollment of two Black students at the University of Alabama (Muir & McGlamery, 1984). In a nationally-publicized event, representatives from the U. Department of Justice were ordered to enforce the racial integration of the University, overruling the governor’s attempt to stop it (Muir & McGlamery, 1984). Following desegregation, Black students newly allowed to attend PWIs felt excluded from established social systems on the mostly segregated campuses, including membership in fraternities and sororities (Muir & McGlamery, 1984).
Fifty years after desegregation, the image of Governor Wallace standing in the school- house door persists as overt and structural racism persists on college campuses in the Deep South. The University of Alabama was scrutinized in 2013 when white sorority members were dismissed from their organization for using racial slurs, and a Black woman alleged she was not selected for membership in traditionally-White sororities because of her race (Turnage, 2017). That is not an isolated incident, however. The Journal of Blacks in Higher Education blogged about a number of campus racial incidents reported on Deep South campuses in 2018: a White student at an HBCU law school in North Carolina being suspended for posting racial slurs on social media, racist signs posted on top of photographs of prominent African Americans in South Carolina history at the University of South Carolina, and a sign being defaced with a racial slur outside the Center for Black Culture at Duke University (The Journal for Blacks in Higher Education, 2018).
As many institutions seek to expand their racial diversity and the racial diversity in the Deep South increases, it becomes the responsibility of admissions professionals to not only seek to understand how to get students to an institution, but also how to support and keep them there.
