Tai Lieu Chat Luong Obstacles to Democratization in Southeast Asia Critical Studies of the Asia Pacific Series Series Editor: Mark Beeson, Professor in the Department in Political Science and International Studies at the University of Birmingham, UK Critical Studies of the Asia Pacific showcases new research and scholarship on what is arguably the most important region in the world in the twenty-first century. The rise of China and the continuing strategic importance of this dynamic economic area to the United States mean that the Asia-Pacific will remain cru- cially important to policymakers and scholars alike. The unifying theme of the series is a desire to publish the best theoretically-informed, original research on the region. Titles in the series cover the politics, economics and security of the region, as well as focussing on its institutional processes, individual countries, issues and leaders.
Titles include: Hiro Katsumata ASEAN’S COOPERATIVE SECURITY ENTERPRISE Norms and Interests in the ASEAN Regional Forum Erik Paul OBSTACLES TO DEMOCRATIZATION IN SOUTHEAST ASIA A Study of the Nation State, Regional and Global Order Barry Wain MALAYSIAN MAVERICK Mahathir Mohamad in Turbulent Times Robert G. Wirsing and Ehsan Ahrari (editors) FIXING FRACTURED NATIONS The Challenge of Ethnic Separatism in the Asia-Pacific Critical Studies of the Asia Pacific Series Series Standing Order ISBN 978-0-230-22896-2 (Hardback) 978-0-230-22897-9 (Paperback) (outside North America only) You can receive future titles in this series as they are published by placing a standing order. Please contact your bookseller or, in case of difficulty, write to us at the address below with your name and address, the title of the series and the ISBN quoted above. Customer Services Department, Macmillan Distribution Ltd, Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS, England Obstacles to Democratization in Southeast Asia A Study of the Nation State, Regional and Global Order Erik Paul Vice-President, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, University of Sydney, Australia © Erik Paul 2010 All rights reserved.
No reproduction, copy or transmission of this publication may be made without written permission. No portion of this publication may be reproduced, copied or transmitted save with written permission or in accordance with the provisions of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988, or under the terms of any licence permitting limited copying issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency, Saffron House, 6–10 Kirby Street, London EC1N 8TS. Any person who does any unauthorized act in relation to this publication may be liable to criminal prosecution and civil claims for damages. The author has asserted his right to be identified as the author of this work in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
First published 2010 by PALGRAVE MACMILLAN Palgrave Macmillan in the UK is an imprint of Macmillan Publishers Limited, registered in England, company number 785998, of Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire RG21 6XS. Palgrave Macmillan in the US is a division of St Martin’s Press LLC, 175 Fifth Avenue, New York, NY 10010. Palgrave Macmillan is the global academic imprint of the above companies and has companies and representatives throughout the world. Palgrave® and Macmillan® are registered trademarks in the United States, the United Kingdom, Europe and other countries ISBN 978-0-230-24181-7 hardback This book is printed on paper suitable for recycling and made from fully managed and sustained forest sources.
Logging, pulping and manufacturing processes are expected to conform to the environmental regulations of the country of origin. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 19 18 17 16 15 14 13 12 11 10 Printed and bound in Great Britain by CPI Antony Rowe, Chippenham and Eastbourne Contents List of Tables vii Acknowledgements viii 1 Surrendering Sovereignty 1 The nation state, regionalization and global integration 1 Sustainability of the system 6 The future of the global state 8 2 Struggle for Democracy 12 Class struggle 14 Race struggle 18 Globalization 19 Pathways to political change 23 Conclusions 28 3 Obstacles to Democratization 30 Southeast Asia’s nation states 30 Brunei 33 Cambodia 36 Indonesia 46 Laos 58 Malaysia 65 Myanmar 75 Philippines 82 Singapore 91 Thailand 100 Timor-Leste 110 Vietnam 119 4 Regional Integration 127 The construction of Southeast Asia 127 ASEAN’s expansion 130 ASEAN’s integration 132 Capturing ASEAN 137 The United States in Southeast Asia 143 China in Southeast Asia 152 v vi Contents 5 Ecological Scarcity 159 Ecological scarcity 164 Political implications 166 6 Global Hegemony 171 Old imperialism 171 A new world order 173 Global apartheid 177 Perpetual war for perpetual peace 181 Blowback 185 7 ASEAN’s Future 188 References 200 Index 220 List of Tables 3.1 Southeast Asia human development 134 vii Acknowledgements I would like to thank Alexandra Webster and the publishing team at Palgrave Macmillan for their support in the production of this book.
Although I take full responsibility for this book, it benefited greatly from the stimulating research and teaching culture and friendly environment at the Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPACS), University of Sydney. viii 1 Surrendering Sovereignty The nation state, regionalization and global integration In an increasingly interdependent world, the issue of democratization of the nation state has become a critical problem because global economic and security interests threaten the viability of the nation state. The nation state continues to be the primary focus for the identity and well- being of the majority of people, and it is largely within the nation state that the struggle for social justice takes place. There is no world state, or world nation state, to provide individuals with civil, political and eco- nomic rights.
While there exist a global state, it is essentially a grouping of a few powerful states and its institutions of global governance. It is a power paradigm which does not grant the individual with civil and political rights of a world citizen. In that sense, there is no political iden- tity of a world citizen but only that provided by the nation state. Democracy, like the good society, should be considered as an ideal.
The American philosopher John Dewey considered democracy as a moral ideal and a matter of faith in humanity, a work in progress, and that democracy could not be achieved without ‘a significant redistribution of power and for the economy to be publicly controlled so that the divisions of labor may be free where they are now coercive’ (Westbrook 1991:442). Political scientist Robert Dahl held the same view and argued that political equality was a defining aspect of democracy, and that modern corporate capitalism tends ‘to produce inequalities in social and economic resources so great as to bring about severe violations of political equality and hence of the democratic process’ (Dahl 1985:60). Democratization is the struggle towards that ideal, for more equality in power, income and wealth among citizens of nation states and for all people in the world at large. Democratization is the advancement 1 2 Obstacles to Democratization in Southeast Asia of social justice and towards inclusion.
It is a struggle which Turin University Professor Norbeto Bobbio argues is inspired by an egalitar- ian ideal and policy ‘typified by the tendency to remove the obstacles which make men and women less equal. the three principal sources of discrimination, class, race, and sex’ (Bobbio 1996:80, 86). Ultimately, democratization is a question of power and the redistribution of power. But globalization weakens the nation state by transferring major aspects of its sovereignty to undemocratic global institutions and financial markets dominated by Western interests and over which civil society has little or no say.
Citizens have lost control over impor- tant economic decisions which affect their well-being, yet they are confronted with the destructive impact of a trading, financial and ecological regime which serves the interests of the few. Moreover, the hegemonic struggle among powerful states continues unabated, shift- ing from the cold war to a ‘war on terror’. In the name of the national interest, or the pursuit of happiness and liberty, states aggress against other nation states or deprive their own citizens of their political power and human rights while embarking on another costly and destructive armaments race. A US-based Jacobin agenda for a global ‘free’ market and to bring ‘democracy’ to all, far from establishing peace for all, has, instead, caused great economic and political instability and has dam- aged nationalistic responses.
Regionalization as part of a gradual limitation of sovereignty can save the nation state from the dangers of nationalism and chauvinism while forming building blocks towards a more peaceful and cosmopolitan world order. The history of the European Union (EU) is instructive in this context and provides a useful model for the future development of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The 1957 Treaty of Rome embodies the commitment of the six signatories to voluntar- ily achieve political unification in order to save the nation state from another war. Former French president Francois Mitterrand once said that ‘nationalism is war’ because he understood, as did other European leaders of the same vintage, that it was critical to preserve the nation state while diluting the poison of nationalism, and thus create a Europe of nations.
Alan Milward, professor of economic history at the London School of Economics, wrote that ‘the European Community has been its [the west European nation state] buttress, an indispensable part of the nation-state’s post-war reconstruction. Without it, the nation-state could not have offered to its citizens the same measure of security and prosperity which it has provided and which has justified its survival’ Surrendering Sovereignty 3 (Milward 1992:3). According to the Hungarian historian and member of the European Parliament George Schöpflin the EU is the ‘most effective conflict-resolution mechanism ever devised’ (Schöpflin 2007). At the 2003 Bali II Concord, members of the ASEAN agreed to form a free trade area as part of an ASEAN community by 2020 and proclaimed their commitment to democracy.
This was the first time in its history that the organization used the word ‘democracy’ in an official accord, and claimed that ASEAN ‘subscribed to the notion of democratic peace, which means all member countries believe democratic processes will promote regional peace and stability’ (Luard 2003). Four years later, member states signed the ASEAN charter to promote and to advance a free trade area and ‘the principles of democracy, the rule of law and good governance, respect for and protection of human rights and fun- damental freedoms’ (Pratachai 2007). ASEAN’s history and the authori- tarian regimes of several member states, however, raise the question of the viability of ASEAN to evolve into an organization capable of inte- grating the region and progressing towards a regional community and market. Regional integration and the formation of a regional commu- nity are contingent on the capacity of the member countries to gradu- ally surrender their sovereignty to a new entity.
But this is unlikely to be achieved peacefully unless their societies are willing to do so and to actively participate in the process of integration. A major hypothesis is that the realization of a functioning ASEAN community is predicated on the existence of more open and demo- cratic societies. Regional integration presupposes the existence of a politically active civil society. It means that citizens’ interests are vested in local organizations which can negotiate with the state in vital areas of resource allocation, taxation and national economic strategy.
Organizations representing farmers, urban workers, small businesses, bureaucrats and professional groups for example, must be satisfied that they will get a fair share out of the gains from regional market arrange- ments before the state can consent and successfully advance regional integration. The collective support from such different interest groups is likely to be one of the most important factors in the success of regional economic integration efforts. The active engagement of citizens pre- sumes a level of political equality which is denied by authoritarian regimes. Political equality is usually related to national wealth and the distribution of wealth in society.