University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law 2016 Governance Reform and the Judicial Role in Municipal Bankruptcy Clayton P. Gillette New York University David A. University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School Follow this and additional works at: https://scholarship.edu/faculty_scholarship Part of the American Politics Commons, Bankruptcy Law Commons, Courts Commons, Law and Economics Commons, Law and Politics Commons, Law and Society Commons, Policy Design, Analysis, and Evaluation Commons, Political Economy Commons, Public Economics Commons, State and Local Government Law Commons, Urban Studies Commons, and the Urban Studies and Planning Commons Repository Citation Gillette, Clayton P. and Skeel, David A., "Governance Reform and the Judicial Role in Municipal Bankruptcy" (2016).
Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law.edu/faculty_scholarship/1574 This Article is brought to you for free and open access by Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Faculty Scholarship at Penn Law by an authorized administrator of Penn Law: Legal Scholarship Repository. For more information, please contact PennlawIR@law. Governance Reform and the Judicial Role in Municipal Bankruptcy a b str a c t.
Recent proceedings involving large municipalities such as Detroit, Stockton, and Vallejo illustrate both the utility and limitations of using the Bankruptcy Code to adjust municipal debt. In this Article, we contend that, to resolve fully the distress of a substantial city, municipal bankruptcy needs to provide more than simple debt reduction. Debt adjustment alone does nothing to remedy the fragmented decision making and incentives for expanding municipal budgets that are ingrained in municipal governance structures and that often underlie municipal distress. Unless bankruptcy also addresses governance dysfunction, the city faces a return to financial distress.
Indeed, this Article demonstrates that governance restructuring has long been an essential element of corporate bankruptcy and that, given the monopoly position of local governments as providers of local public goods, it is even more important in the municipal bankruptcy context. Some might argue that reducing a city’s debt is the best that bankruptcy courts can offer, due to concerns that a more comprehensive approach would, among other things, interfere with state sovereignty and exceed the statutory authority that the Bankruptcy Code grants to courts. In our view, these concerns do not withstand scrutiny. Based on a careful analysis of the origins of the current municipal bankruptcy provisions, as well as an assessment of recent Supreme Court jurisprudence, we argue that governance reform is permitted even under existing law, and point out that minor adjustments to municipal bankruptcy law would make this conclusion even clearer.
To be sure, the states themselves, rather than a bankruptcy court, ideally should be the ones to effect municipal governance reform. But political factors and the imperatives of the immediate fiscal crisis make state intervention unlikely, thus underscoring the need for a more comprehensive approach to municipal bankruptcy. Gillette is the Max E. Greenberg Professor of Contract Law, New York University School of Law.
Samuel Arsht Professor of Corporate Law, University of Pennsylvania Law School. We are grateful to Mehrsa Baradaran, Oren Bar- Gill, Kent Barnett, Randy Beck, Mitchell Berman, Martin Bienenstock, Vincent Buccola, Nathan Chapman, Andrew Crespo, Jaime Dodge, Gerald Frug, Brian Galle, Howell Jackson, Melissa Jacoby, Seth Kreimer, Bruce Mann, Martha Minow, Mark Ramseyer, Eric Rasmusen, Lori Ringhand, Usha Rodrigues, Mark Roe, Bo Rutledge, Darien Shanske, James Sprayregen, Paul Stephan, Adrian Vermeule, Steven Walt, and participants at faculty workshops at Harvard Law School; the University of Virginia School of Law; the University of California, Davis School of Law; the University of Texas School of Law; the University of Georgia School of Law; and the “Creditors and Corporate Governance in Bankruptcy” Conference at the University of Chicago Law School for helpful comments. We are also grateful to Kyle Lachmund, Nonny Onyekweli, and Antonio Pietrantoni for invaluable research assistance. 1150 governance reform and the judicial role in municipal bankruptcy a r t ic l e c o n t e n t s introduction 1152 i.
municipal reorganization and corporate reorganization 1157 A. The Need for Municipal Governance Reform 1157 B. Governance Reform in Chapter 11 1162 ii. why hasn’t governance been a focus in chapter 9 ? 1165 A.
Municipal Bankruptcy in the 1930s 1167 B. Ashton to Congress to Bekins 1173 C. New York City and the 1970s Amendments 1176 D. Selection Bias in Municipal Bankruptcy Filings 1182 iii.
an affirmative case for governance reform 1184 A. Fragmented Governance as a Source of Distress 1184 B. Bankruptcy as a Governance Corrective 1195 iv. objections to governance reform in chapter 9 1202 A.
Bankruptcy Courts Cannot Interfere with Municipal Powers 1202 B. Only the “Adjustment of Debts” Is Permitted in Chapter 9 1206 C. Commandeering and Unconstitutional Conditions 1208 D. Will Bankruptcy Judges Make Matters Worse? 1216 E.
Will Governance Reform Discourage Bankruptcy Filings? 1219 v. why not the state? 1222 A. Doctrinal Constraints on State Design of Municipal Governance 1226 B. The Political Economy of Structural Reform 1230 conclusion 1236 1151 the yale law journal 125:1150 2016 in t r o d u c t io n As an increasing number of municipalities take advantage of the ability to adjust their debts under Chapter 9 of the Bankruptcy Code, the utility and efficiency of that scheme has become more apparent.1 Fears that Chapter 9 would be incapable of handling the fiscal distress of large cities have dissipated as bankruptcy courts have deftly managed the bankruptcies of Vallejo, San Bernardino, and Stockton, California; Jefferson County, Alabama; and Detroit, Michigan.2 These episodes have revealed that bankruptcy courts can balance the interests of the various stakeholders—creditors, pensioners, the state, and residents—involved when municipalities face fiscal distress.
Less clear is whether the dexterity that bankruptcy courts display in adjusting municipal debts has lasting effects on municipal fiscal health. Courts tend to focus almost exclusively on the debt overhang problem—that is, on reducing the municipality’s debt burden to a level that permits a city to devote scarce resources to providing services rather than solely to paying creditors. To the extent that municipal distress results from a debt burden that stifles investment and diverts municipal budgets to legacy costs rather than future productivity, the ability to pare down a municipality’s debt may be sufficient. But municipal distress—especially the distress of a substantial city—rarely is simply a matter of too much debt.
Failed budget policies do not arise autonomously, disaggregated from the political environment in which they are devised. Rather, with the exception of cases in which municipalities face some exogenous shock, such as a crippling tort suit or natural disaster, or in which local governments suffer from broad economic disruptions beyond their control, local fiscal crises usually are caused by a governance structure that tolerates financial decisions in which the benefits and costs of public expenditures are misaligned. The disparity may be temporal. Local political officials concerned about electoral success or opportunities for higher office may favor programs that promise short-term benefits paid for through long- term costs.
Alternatively, the mismatch may be spatial. Programs that produce highly concentrated benefits in some districts within the locality may be 1. For a thoughtful analysis of the details of the recent wave of municipal receiverships and bankruptcies, see Michelle Wilde Anderson, The New Minimal Cities, 123 YALE L. For doubts about whether Chapter 9 would be adequate for the needs of large cities, see ROBIN JEWELER, CONG., RL33924, MUNICIPAL REORGANIZATION: CHAPTER 9 OF THE U.
BANKRUPTCY CODE 1-2 (2007) (noting that the vast majority of Chapter 9 reorganizations are by small districts); Omer Kimhi, Chapter 9 of the Bankruptcy Code: A Solution in Search of a Problem, 27 YALE J. 1152 governance reform and the judicial role in municipal bankruptcy financed by imposing costs on neighboring districts, with the result that the commons of the municipal budget faces overuse. 3 Or, officials may adopt policies that confer inefficient benefits on small, concentrated groups and discourage electoral redress by spreading the costs among the diffuse electorate.4 The institutions of local governance that permit these misalignments tend to be entrenched in city charters or bureaucratic regimes, and left unchallenged, they survive even after bankruptcy proceedings adjust the debts to which they have given rise. According to the conventional wisdom, Chapter 9 has little to say about these issues other than to preclude the bankruptcy court from usurping the political or governmental powers of the municipal debtor.5 If the conventional wisdom is correct, Chapter 9 cannot meaningfully reduce the risk of recidivism for a financially distressed municipality.
The debt adjustment provided by Chapter 9 offers temporary relief before the next crisis, not a thoroughgoing remedy aimed at the root causes of municipal distress. This Article challenges the traditional account. We contend that municipal bankruptcy can and should address governance failures where they contribute to financial failures. We argue that this conclusion follows from an appreciation of the similarities between municipal corporations and the for- profit corporations that are reorganized in Chapter 11 of the Bankruptcy Code.
Where governance failures contribute to corporate financial distress, no one would treat governance reform as irrelevant to the reorganization of a corporation. Carefully crafted governance rules were a central feature of the Chrysler bankruptcy,6 and governance rules figure prominently in most other substantial Chapter 11 cases as well. From a purely functional perspective, governance reform is even more essential to an effective Chapter 9 municipal bankruptcy than it is in Chapter 11, since at least some stakeholders in insolvent municipalities are more dependent on those entities than are stakeholders in insolvent firms. Municipal bankruptcy does not just facilitate governance reform: in many cases, the logic of the municipal bankruptcy process requires governance 3.
For a discussion of the metaphor of the commons as it applies to municipal budgets, see infra notes 153-156 and accompanying text. GILLETTE, LOCAL REDISTRIBUTION AND LOCAL DEMOCRACY: INTEREST GROUPS AND THE COURTS 75-80 (2011). § 904 (2012); Kimhi, supra note 2, at 357. As described infra Section I.B, the governance reforms were especially elaborate in the Chrysler bankruptcy.
The parties allocated specified numbers of seats on Chrysler’s board of directors to each of its major postbankruptcy shareholders: Chrysler retirees, Fiat, Canada, and the United States. 1153 the yale law journal 125:1150 2016 reform. The public—and inherently political—nature of municipal debtors has traditionally been seen to preclude the use of Chapter 9 for anything other than reducing a municipality’s debt.7 Our position is that the political nature of municipal fiscal distress has precisely the opposite implication. The financial distress of a substantial municipality nearly always signals that its politics are dysfunctional.
The same entrenched political environment that exacerbates fiscal instability may also frustrate efforts to initiate reforms necessary to escape a cycle of financial irresponsibility. That entrenchment can be overcome only by the inducement or imposition of structural reforms from outside the municipality. Ideally, the outside catalyst would be the state, which retains substantial authority over its political subdivisions. But political entrenchment may also constrain the state from inducing or imposing structural reforms that are needed for fiscal stability.
Where that is the case, and where the state accedes to a municipality’s use of the federal bankruptcy courts, we conclude that the bankruptcy judge should and does have leeway to induce necessary reforms. Yet discussions of Chapter 9 consistently ignore the possibility of governance reform, even where it is essential to revive a financially failed municipality. Although conventional wisdom suggests that governance reform in bankruptcy infringes on state sovereignty, which perhaps explains its neglect, we contend that governance restructuring in Chapter 9 passes constitutional muster. Two decades ago, Michael McConnell and Randal Picker made the most comprehensive argument to date for moving beyond the debt-adjustment model of municipal bankruptcy.8 They contended that municipal bankruptcy should permit reorganization of municipal structures in ways that were analogous to the reorganization of firms in Chapter 11.