JAPAN FROM KOIZUMI TO ABE This book studies national security strategies introduced by the Koizumi administration (2001–2006) and the second Abe administration (2012–2020). Drawing on the common themes of ‘normalization’, constitutional revision, in particular Article 9, and the right of collective self-defence, the volume examines through the theory of neoclassical realism how and why the national security initiatives of the two administrations are different in their extent of normalization of Japan. It shows how the policies were influenced by the respective Prime Ministers who responded to the international environment surrounding Japan during their tenure and were also shaped by internal concerns. The volume will be of great interest to scholars and researchers of Asian studies, politics and international relations.
Ka Mei Samantha Ma is a legal professional in Hong Kong and an academic with research interests in the study of the international relations of Japan, China studies and the law and politics of Hong Kong. She has taught at various universities in Hong Kong and has publications in English and Chinese. JAPAN FROM KOIZUMI TO ABE Do Leaders Matter in Constitutional Reform Ka Mei Samantha Ma First published 2023 by Routledge 4 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2023 Ka Mei Samantha Ma The right of Ka Mei Samantha Ma to be identified as author of this work has been asserted in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved.
No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library ISBN: 978-1-032-34477-5 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-35949-6 (pbk) ISBN: 978-1-003-32947-3 (ebk) DOI: 10.4324/9781003329473 Typeset in Sabon by Apex CoVantage, LLC CONTENTS List of Figures Acknowledgements List of Abbreviations 1 Introduction 2 Theoretical Foundations and Core Concepts 3 International and Domestic Background of the National Security Initiatives by the Koizumi and the Second Abe Administrations 4 National Security Initiatives of the Koizumi Administration 5 National Security Initiatives of the Second Abe Administration 6 A Comparative Study of the National Security Initiatives of the Koizumi and the Second Abe Administrations 7 Future Outlook for the Post-Abe Administrations Bibliography Appendix: List of Interviews from March 2017 to February 2018 Index FIGURES 2.1 Hilsman’s Model Applied to the Koizumi Government, Adapted from Shinoda (2007), p 14.1 Defence Budget of the Koizumi Administration (FY 2001–FY 2006) (in billion yen) 4.2 Approval Rate of the Koizumi Administration (Apr 2001–Aug 2006) (Asahi Poll) 4.3 Approval Rate of the Koizumi Administration (Apr 2001–Aug 2006) (Nikkei Poll) 4.4 Support Rate of the Various National Security Initiatives of the Koizumi Administration 5.1 Approval Rate of the Second Abe Administration (Dec 2012–July 2018) (Asahi Poll) 5.2 Approval Rate of the Second Abe Administration (Dec 2012–July 2018) (Nikkei Poll) ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS This book is based on my PhD thesis. I would like to extend my sincere thanks to Professor Glenn Hook and the University of Sheffield for offering me a seat as a PhD student of the School of East Asian Studies, as well as all those who have contributed to the successful completion of my PhD.
I would also like to thank my internal and external examiners for spending time to read my book and give me comments. First and foremost, my deepest thanks to Dr Hiroaki Watanabe, who has given me very insightful and critical comments on all my drafts, without which my PhD cannot be completed. I would also like to extend my profound gratitude to my previous research supervisors, Professor Wang Guiguo and Dr Lim Tai Wei. Professor Wang, without whom I may not even embark on a PhD at all, has been my mentor and has encouraged me to pursue a PhD.
Dr Lim Tai Wei has been my supervisor for my master book upon which I built my current PhD. His encouragement and supervision during my master’s degree have laid the foundation for me to pursue this PhD. I am also very thankful to my friend Yuki Yogoya, who has accompanied me to do interviews in Japan. Certainly, I also need to thank the members of the Diet of Japan who kindly accepted my interviews in their very busy schedules.
Their views have proved to be a very valuable source of input to my PhD. I would also like to extend my greatest gratitude to my mentor, Devon Li, who has taught me valuable lessons in life and work. My heartfelt thanks to mum, dad and my husband, Cheuk Man, for their unwavering support and encouragement throughout my PhD journey. ABBREVIATIONS AIIB Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank ARF ASEAN Regional Forum DPJ Democratic Party of Japan HNS Host Nation Support JCP Japanese Communist Party JSP Japan Socialist Party LDP Liberal Democratic Party NCP New Conservative Party NMD National Missile Defence NSS Nuclear Security Summit ODA Official Development Assistance PKO Peacekeeping Operations SDF Self-Defence Forces SDP Social Democratic Party TMD Theatre Missile Defence UN United Nations US United States of America 1 INTRODUCTION DOI: 10.4324/9781003329473-1 Both the Junichirō Koizumi administration (2001–2006) and the second Shinzō Abe administration (2012–2020) were marked by a significant shift in national security policies.
It enlivened the debate of ‘normalization’ and constitutional revision, in particular Article 9 and the right of collective self- defence. The shift in national security policies can be attributed to the changes in international security environment and domestic politics, with the personal ideologies of the Prime Ministers at the centre of domestic decision- making. The international environment underwent significant changes in post–Cold War Japan. The direction of foreign policy in postwar Japan was governed by the Yoshida doctrine, which gave primacy to economic development while relying on the United States for security protection (Edström, 2004).
With the relative decline of Japan as a result of the burst of the economic bubble in the early 1990s, coupled with the rise of China and the North Korean threat, the national security policy of Japan, in particular the U.-Japan Security Alliance, has been revised several times to place increasing roles and responsibilities on Japan to shoulder part of the burden of her own national security as well as regional security at large; it can be seen that Japan has taken a more active role in the international scene (Armitage and Nye, 2012). In the domestic arena, the changes in the political institutions of Japan were a major catalyst which empowered Prime Minister Junichirō Koizumi and later Shinzō Abe to pursue a national policy with rigor and persistence. During the LDP one-party rule from 1955 to 1993, there were powerful factional politics, with some factional leaders wielding more significant influence than the power of the Prime Minister. Lack of strong leadership and political corruption were cited as some of the shortcomings of the one-party rule.
However, the 1994 electoral reform and administrative reforms of 2001 have minimized factional politics, reduced the influences of bureaucrats and hence strengthened the position of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet (Shinoda, 2007; Uchiyama, 2010). It was against this institutional change that the domestic scene of the Koizumi administration and beyond was laid. Apart from the domestic institutions and international environment, the domestic norms also impacted the course of foreign policy of Japan. Antimilitarism was rooted in Japan as a result of the combined effect of the defeat in World War II (WWII), the atomic bombings and the constraint imposed by Article 9 of the Constitution.
The prevalent norm of antimilitarism was met by revisionist conservatism and proactive internationalism, however, which has resulted in varying policy outcomes in different international environments (Izumikawa, 2010). During the Koizumi administration, there was a shift in national security strategy as a result of the changes in the international and domestic arena. The international environment was characterized by the rise of China, the threat from North Korea and the war against terrorism and the persistent pressure from the U. Domestically, the power of the Cabinet and Prime Minister was bolstered by the revised administrative regulation, when internationally the world was beset with the war against terror.
Against this background, the Koizumi administration enacted several important national security laws, such as the Anti-Terrorism Special Measures Legislation (2001), three Emergency-related laws (2003) and the Iraq Reconstruction Special Measures Legislation (2003). It was also during the Koizumi administration that the government initiated the constitutional reform discussion, and the LDP published a draft Constitution in 2005. There was also a significant and controversial leap in the U.-Japan Security Alliance with Japan’s dispatch of the Self-Defence Forces (SDF) to the Iraq War in 2003 and signing of the U.-Japan Realignment Agreement of 2006. All these national security initiatives during the Koizumi administration were regarded by some scholars as ‘revolutionary’ (Kabashima and Steel, 2007; Kersten, 2011).
During the second Abe administration, what stood out from previous administrations was the gaining of power by a revisionist Prime Minister, Shinzō Abe. ‘Departure from the Postwar Regime’ is the political slogan of his first administration (2006–2007). In his second administration (2012– 2020), he continued his unfinished business by ushering in a series of national security reforms, such as the establishment of the National Security Council, the promulgation of the first National Security Strategy, the continued increase in defence budget since 2014 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Japan, 2014; 2015b; 2016a), the Three Principles on Transfer of Defence Equipment and Technology, the revised ODA charter, the signing of the Second U.-Japan Defence Guidelines 2015 and, above all, a package of ‘legislation of peace and security’. The second Abe administration also established an Advisory Committee on Constitutional Reform.
However, the second Abe administration, instead of overcoming the constitutional procedural hurdle of obtaining a two-thirds majority of both Houses and a majority in a national referendum, resorted to the easier route: reinterpretation of the Constitution. In September 2015, the Legislations for Peace and Security were passed. It allowed Japan to exercise the right of collective self-defence under three basic principles, overturning the official interpretation of the Cabinet Legislation Bureau banning the exercise of the right of collective self-defence in 1972 (Watanabe, 2015a). There have been protests from the opposing political parties, constitutional academics and the citizens, arguing that the legislations were unconstitutional, and there are pending lawsuits challenging the constitutionality of the peace legislations (Japan Times, 2015).
Alongside voices of opposition domestically were sentiment of suspicion and worry among neighbouring East Asian countries such as China, which alleged that Japan fabricated ‘China threat’ as an excuse to achieve its political goal of expanding military power (Ministry of Defence of Japan, 2015b). The national security initiatives of these two administrations were chosen because of the significant changes in Japan’s security policy caused by those initiatives and a long tenure of both administrations. Both Prime Ministers were pragmatic in their policy choice and thus have won a broad base of public support. Therefore, these two administrations distinguished themselves from the short-lived Japanese administrations after the first Abe administration in 2007, when long-term security strategy could not be easily formulated or enforced.
The changes in the domestic political environment were another factor that led to the decision to choose these two administrations for this research. Both administrations were in place after the electoral and administrative reforms of the 1990s and early 2000s. It led to the declining influence of factional politics, thereby strengthening the power and influence of the Prime Minister and the Cabinet office.