Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Graduate Theses and Dissertations Dissertations 2017 Negation-induced forgetting: Is there a consequence to saying "no"? Rachel Elizabeth Dianiska Iowa State University Follow this and additional works at: https://lib.edu/etd Part of the Cognitive Psychology Commons Recommended Citation Dianiska, Rachel Elizabeth, "Negation-induced forgetting: Is there a consequence to saying "no"?" (2017). Graduate Theses and Dissertations.edu/etd/15293 This Thesis is brought to you for free and open access by the Iowa State University Capstones, Theses and Dissertations at Iowa State University Digital Repository. It has been accepted for inclusion in Graduate Theses and Dissertations by an authorized administrator of Iowa State University Digital Repository. For more information, please contact digirep@iastate.
Negation-induced forgetting: Is there a consequence to saying “no”? by Rachel Elizabeth Dianiska A thesis submitted to the graduate faculty in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of MASTER OF SCIENCE Major: Psychology Program of Study Committee: Christian A. Meissner, Major Professor Jason C. Wells The student author and the program of study committee are solely responsible for the content of this thesis. The Graduate College will ensure this thesis is globally accessible and will not permit alterations after a degree is conferred.
Iowa State University Ames, Iowa 2017 Copyright © Rachel Elizabeth Dianiska, 2017. All rights reserved. ii TABLE OF CONTENTS Page LIST OF FIGURES. iv LIST OF TABLES.
vi CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION. 1 The Negation Effect. 2 Negation in Attention. 4 Negation in Memory.
6 Overview of the Current Studies. 16 Table and Figures. 23 Combined Samples Analysis. 25 Table and Figures.
38 Table and Figures. 39 CHAPTER 5 GENERAL DISCUSSION. 42 Replicability of the Negation Effect. 42 iii Theoretical Mechanisms Leading to Negation.
44 Practical Implications of the Negation Effect in Memory. 47 Conclusions and Figures. EXPERIMENT 1 RKG INSTRUCTIONS. EXPERIMENT 3 RKG INSTRUCTIONS.
IRB APPROVAL FOR EXPERIMENTS. 60 iv LIST OF FIGURES Page Figure 1 Experiment 1 Procedure. 18 Figure 2 Effect Size Graph for Mayo et al. (2014), Experiment 1A, and Experiment 1B.
18 Figure 3 Effect Size Graph for Experiment 2. 27 Figure 4 Graph of Negation Effect by Number of Alternatives Interaction. 41 Figure 5 Forest Plot of Negation Effect Sizes. 48 v LIST OF TABLES Page Table 1 Means for Final Test Measures in Experiment 1A (False Rejection, Accurate Recognition) and Experiment 1B (proportion recalled).
17 Table 2 Means for Final Memory Test Errors in Experiment 2. 27 Table 3 Means for Final Test Measures in Experiment 3, Load-Absent Condition. 39 Table 4 Means for Final Test Measures in Experiment 3, Load-Present Condition. 40 vi ABSTRACT The negation effect refers to the cognitive detriment associated with correctly saying “no” (a negation), compared to correctly saying “yes” (an affirmation).
A recent study has shown this detriment for item memory following the negation of a feature of an item (Mayo, Schul, & Rosenthal, 2014). This research examines the replicability of the negation effect using the original paradigm, as well as an adapted list-learning paradigm. Participants studied a set of objects and were then asked questions about features of objects that elicited “yes” or “no” responses. After a filler task, participants completed a final memory test during which they indicated whether a given object label was present or not present during the study phase.
Experiment 1 failed to conceptually replicate the negation-induced forgetting effect present in Mayo et al. (2014) using a list-learning paradigm. Experiment 2 was a pre-registered replication, and the negation effect was successfully replicated using the original stimulus and test materials from Mayo et al. Experiment 3 successfully replicated the negation effect using a list-learning paradigm, and found that the magnitude of the negation effect is influenced by the number of alternatives suggested by a feature statement.
1 CHAPTER I: INTRODUCTION Imagine the following scene: one afternoon, you hear through your window what you think may be gunshots. Turning around to look, you see one man lying on the ground behind a car, and another man holding a gun a few feet away. You make a note of the gunman’s description in your head: tall, average build, white t-shirt and jeans, black baseball cap. While you are phoning the incident in to the police, the man with the gun grabs a backpack from the trunk of the car and runs away.
The police arrive a few minutes later, and once the area is secured you are asked to make a statement. A detective asks you a simple question: “Was the baseball cap blue?” Your answer to this question – a “yes” or “no” – may later influence what you remember about the event. Cognitive psychologists have long been aware of the limitations and malleability of human memory (e. An understanding of these limitations has informed decades of research on how memory can be altered or falsely recollected, as well as how memory retrieval can be improved in applied contexts (e., interviewing of witnesses and suspects).
However, advances in interviewing techniques have only been accompanied by a partial understanding of how the type of question a person is asked can influence his or her memory. Studies have assessed the influence of mnemonic techniques (the Cognitive Interview; Geiselman, Fisher, MacKinnon, & Holland, 1986), generating verbal descriptions (the verbal overshadowing effect; Schooler & Engstler- Schooler, 1990), suggestive questioning and social influence (e., Garven, Wood, Malpass, & Shaw, 1998; Hope, Ost, Gabbert, Healey, & Lenton, 2008), and interference due to selective retrieval of event information (e., Camp, Wesstein, & Bruin, 2012; Chan, Thomas, & Bulevich, 2009) on subsequent memory for an event or suspect. One 2 aspect of questioning that has been overlooked involves the potential influence of negation on subsequent memory – that is, the cognitive detriment associated with correctly saying no to a question (negation), compared with correctly saying yes to a question (affirmation). Prior studies have primarily situated negation in a context of lexical comprehension, focusing on how negations themselves are communicated and understood; however, memory researchers utilizing manipulations requiring a “yes” or “no” response have also observed differences in performance based upon the response given.
The finding that a person’s memory or comprehension can be differentially influenced based upon whether one responds affirmatively or negatively appears to have been demonstrated consistently, yet has garnered little attention. The following studies attempted to replicate this negation effect in memory, and to further identify factors that may moderate the effect. Specifically, these studies examined the influence of affirmative or negative responses to forced-choice, yes-no statements related to a feature of an object (e., “The glass was empty”) on subsequent memory for the object of the question. In this context, the negation effect encompasses a comparative memory impairment based upon an accurate response of “no” to questions about features of studied objects, rather than an accurate response of “yes.” The Negation Effect The negation effect has been studied since the 1960s, particularly in the area of psycholinguistics.
In this context, negations are represented as sentences describing how a situation is not (e., Susan does not bake cookies), whereas affirmations are represented as sentences describing the actual situation (e., Stephen tidied up his 3 drawers). The nature of how negations are represented and accessed, as well as how accessibility influences understanding and inference-making has been explored. Using lexical comprehension and sentence verification tasks, a “negation effect” has been shown when participants more quickly and more accurately verify affirmative statements (Gough, 1965; Wason, 1961). Negated words and phrases have also been associated with decreased accessibility and slower response times (Engelkemp & Hormann, 1974; Kaup & Zwann, 2003; MacDonald & Just, 1989; Meyer, 1975).
Despite years of research, the manner in which negations are represented in memory is still debated. Two models of negation representation that have been explored include the schema-plus-tag model and the fusion model. The schema-plus-tag model proposes that a negated message is first processed using an affirmative meaning and is then negated (e., Mayo, Schul, & Burnstein, 2004). For example, this model suggests that a negated statement such as “not red” would first be processed as “red” with the negation operator subsequently added to the representation.
The fusion model, in contrast, proposes that the meaning of the negated phrase is the result of merging of the negation operator with the affirmed meaning. The phrase “the door is not open” would thus be represented as the fusion of “not” and “open”, or “closed.” These competing models of representation yield different implications for associations that are activated when the negated statement is processed, as well as for long-term retention of the meaning of the negated statement. To compare the two models, Mayo and colleagues (2004) examined the inferences participants made as different negations and affirmations were processed. Participants encoded affirmed target sentences (e., “Tom is a tidy person”) or negated 4 target sentences (e., “Tom is not a tidy person”) and then determined whether a probe sentence describing a behavior (e., “Tom forgets where he left his car keys”) fit the meaning of the target sentence.
Negations in this study were presented three ways: semantically negated, as sentences with negation operators; visibly negated, with a red background that signaled that a sentence should be negated; or dually negated, as sentences with negation operators that were also displayed on a red background. The behavioral probes could be consistent with, inconsistent with, or irrelevant to the meaning of the target sentence. A baseline condition was included for comparison, wherein people first saw the behavioral probe and then assessed the congruency of the affirmed or negated sentences. Compared to this baseline, people were quicker to respond when the probe meaning was consistent with an affirmed target phrase, as well as when the probe meaning was inconsistent with a negated target phrase.
Processing a negated message first as an affirmation in the schema-plus-tag model would activate associations that are inconsistent with the negated meaning. Thus, Mayo and colleagues (2004) suggested that the facilitation of incongruent associations with negated sentences in this study supports the schema-plus-tag model (e. In addition to representations, research into negation has extended to other areas of cognition, including attention and memory. Negation in Attention Negations are a crucial element of communication, for instance in directing attention away from or administering instructions not to do something.
The use of negation as a communication device can sometimes itself lead to communication errors. Consider the classic studies of thought suppression: when people were instructed, “don’t 5 think about white bears,” sometimes that instruction led people to paradoxically think about white bears (Wegner, Schneider, Carter, & White, 1987). Recently, Maciuszek (2013) examined the nature of negations in commands (e., “don’t pay attention to [target],”) in memory and comprehension. Attention focus, as measured by the amount of details recalled about the target, was found to be greater for people who received the negation order, compared to people in control groups who either were not told anything about the target, or who were not ordered to pay attention to the target.
In other words, when participants were instructed not to pay attention to something, attention was drawn to the object to a greater extent. Orenes, Beltrán, and Santamaría (2014) used a visual world paradigm to investigate how negations are understood and represented based on the situational context and number of available alternatives. The visual world paradigm allowed for both images and verbal information to be presented simultaneously, and eye movement data was collected to determine the focal point of attention. Four images of colored figures (red, green, blue, yellow) were displayed while a statement was presented.
Initial statements that were presented to participants manipulated the situation in which figures would appear: either with two alternatives (“The figure could be red or green”) or with multiple alternatives (“The figure could be red, or green, or blue, or yellow”). Subsequent statements were ether phrased as affirmations (“The figure was red”) or negations (“The figure was not red”).